By N. C. Bipindra
The self-declared Field Marshal Asim Munir has managed what many thought impossible: restoring Pakistan’s standing in Washington and placing the country once again at the centre of America’s South Asian strategy.
In a matter of months, Pakistan has gone from being dismissed as an unreliable partner to being hailed as a “phenomenal” counterterrorism ally by senior US officials.
President Donald Trump, who once accused Pakistan of “nothing but lies and deceit,” now calls Munir “my favorite field marshal” and “a great guy.”
But this sudden warmth has less to do with Washington’s generosity and more with Rawalpindi’s calculated manoeuvering.
For decades, Pakistan’s generals have perfected the art of turning foreign alignments into instruments of domestic control; extracting aid, legitimacy, and political space from every great power they court.
What appears to be a diplomatic revival under Munir is, in truth, the latest iteration of a familiar playbook: leveraging external partnerships to entrench military dominance at home.
Revival Rooted in Repetition
Munir’s ascent marks another chapter in Pakistan’s long dance between military dominance and foreign patronage.
When Imran Khan swept to power in 2018, he promised a “new Pakistan,” challenging corruption and dependency.
Initially, he was backed by the military, but once in office, his defiance grew, culminating in his likely refusal to grant the US basing rights after its 2021 withdrawal from Afghanistan.
His emphatic “absolutely not” became a nationalist rallying cry, and the beginning of his downfall.
After a contentious no-confidence vote in 2022 and his imprisonment on dubious charges, Pakistan’s civilian leadership was reduced to a faรงade, paving the way for Munir’s consolidation of power.
Under Munir, Pakistan has rebranded its alignment with Washington as “strategic recalibration.”
The self-declared field marshal has deftly restored Islamabad’s access to the White House, positioning himself as America’s indispensable partner in a turbulent region.
On June 18, 2025, President Trump hosted Munir at the White House, an honor rarely extended to a serving army chief.
The symbolism was clear: Washington once again sees Pakistan’s generals, not its politicians, as the true custodians of stability.

Calculus Behind the Charm
Behind the optics lies a hard calculus. The Trump administration, eyeing potential action against Iran’s nuclear sites, views Pakistan as a strategic staging ground, offering proximity, intelligence cooperation, and political cover.
In return, Munir has secured promises of new military aid and economic concessions in critical minerals, oil, and cryptocurrency ventures.
But this revival of American interest does not signal Pakistan’s economic or democratic resurgence; it merely reaffirms the military’s primacy as broker of foreign patronage.
Munir presents these deals as pathways to recovery, yet their real function is to consolidate Rawalpindi’s grip over the state apparatus.
The dividends of this diplomacy accrue not to the struggling population, but to the institution that claims to act in its name.
With Pakistan’s economy mired in debt, inflation soaring, and civilian governance hollowed out, the army’s renewed partnership with Washington serves as both shield and sword, insulating the generals from accountability while reinforcing their control over politics, media, and capital.
Under Munir’s stewardship, foreign policy has once again become a tool of domestic domination: strategic cooperation abroad translates into coercive stability at home.
What is framed as Pakistan’s “strategic recalibration” is, in truth, the recalibration of one man’s authority, a transaction that restores external confidence in Pakistan’s generals while leaving its citizens as spectators to their own fate.
The same bonhomie with Washington that now elevates Munir was once denied by Imran Khan, whose refusal to host US bases in the name of sovereignty cost him his office and his freedom, while Munir’s compliance secures his power.
Bagram Factor
Behind the smiles resides a more profound strategic manoeuvering. Trump’s demand that the Taliban hand back the Bagram Airbase, the former nerve centre of US operations in Afghanistan, has reignited American interest in Pakistan’s geography.
With Iran defiant and China expanding its reach, Washington requires a strategic foothold in the region, and Pakistan’s location offers exactly that.
For Munir, the enabling of US access to Bagram or supporting American intelligence operations could translate into billions in financial aid, diplomatic legitimacy, and renewed influence in Afghanistan.
However, such actions also pose the risk of exacerbating nationalist sentiments and alienating neighboring states like Iran and China.
The Taliban have already cautioned that any assistance rendered by Pakistan to the United States would categorise Islamabad as an “enemy state.”
Nevertheless, the allure remains evident: an economy in decline, an IMF programme on the brink, and a military predisposed to trade geographic advantage for economic viability.
Manufactured Renaissance
Pakistan’s renewed partnership with the United States is being portrayed domestically as a diplomatic triumph.
The designation of a Baloch separatist faction as a terrorist organisation by the US on August 11, 2025, was celebrated in Rawalpindi as evidence that “America has reaffirmed its allegiance to our cause.”
Field Marshal Munir’s recurrent visits to Washington, culminating in a private luncheon with President Trump in June 2025, have positioned him above the marginalised Pakistani civilian leadership.
Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has yet to obtain even a formal engagement at the White House or anywhere in the West.
However, historical precedent warns of the costs. The United States embraced Pakistan during the Cold War, subsequently withdrew support following the Soviet retreat, re-engaged during the War on Terror, and then distanced itself once more after the Bin Laden operation.
Each iteration of this cycle has rendered Pakistan increasingly vulnerable, more reliant, and further under the domination of its military leadership.
Illusion of Stability
For Washington, the military establishment of Pakistan provides a pragmatic advantage: a reliable ally in a volatile geopolitical landscape.
Conversely, for Rawalpindi, the United States offers both legitimacy and financial support. However, this alliance, superficially characterised as “recalibration,” merely constitutes a reiteration of historical dependencies.
As history repeatedly shows, such alignments come at a domestic cost, civil liberties diminish, media freedom is curtailed, and dissent is systematically suppressed, all while inflation and unemployment escalate.
By exchanging national sovereignty for mere survival, the military leadership has, once again, encumbered the nation’s prospects.
Trump’s praise may offer Munir a momentary glow, yet it is accompanied by an enduring caveat: American goodwill is ephemeral.
“There are advantages to being in Trump’s good graces; you commend him, and he reciprocates,” asserts former ambassador Husain Haqqani to the United States.
Munir may revel in international accolades, yet Pakistan’s intrinsic vulnerabilities persist unaltered.
Pakistan continues to rely on external influences, eroded by domestic oppression, and sinks deeper into a repetitive cycle: military leaders exchanging access for assistance, authority for approbation, while the populace remains relegated to the periphery and endures hardship.
After several decades, Pakistan’s most formidable challenge lies not in external adversaries but in its own obstinate refusal to learn from its own historical trajectory.
Each alliance with a superpower appears to promise rejuvenation but ultimately culminates in disillusionment.
This time, the perpetuation of the cycle is not a mere happenstance, but a deliberate orchestration, and the architect of this design is Field Marshal Asim Munir.
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Categories: Chakraview, Opinion, Politics






